其他古籍（史類）
Other ancient works (histories)
Shiji 史记 · 249 BC · 秦庄襄王元年
Introduction
Ivar the Boneless' analysis, from works other than the Shiji, of the end of Yue at Langya in this year: the reckoning of two hundred and twenty-four years from Goujian's hegemony, the royal lines of the Yuejueshu and the Wu Yue Chunqiu, Liu Zhao's note on the Xicen tomb, and a report on the identification of Langya with Jinpingshan at Lianyungang.
Text and Translation
- §1 史记（一：本纪）Shiji I: Basic Annals
- §2 史记（二：表）Shiji II: Tables
- §3 史记（三：世家）Shiji III: Hereditary Houses
- §4 史记（四：列传）Shiji IV: Biographies
- §5 史记（五：列传）Shiji V: Biographies
- §6 无骨论点补充（以及辨析）一Ivar the Boneless' commentary and analysis I
- §7 其他古籍（史類）Other ancient works (histories)
Text: Chinese source
Text: English Translation
Annotations
[§7] 其他古籍（史類）
[§7] Other ancient works (histories)
辨析：楚並瑯琊，遷越王親於吳。
Analysis: Chu annexed Langya and moved King Qin of Yue to Wu.
越王勾践灭吴称霸是公元前473年，称霸224年越国灭亡，那就是-473+224=公元前249年
King Goujian of Yue destroyed Wu and became hegemon in 473 BC; the state of Yue perished after 224 years of hegemony, which gives −473 + 224 = 249 BC
《越绝书·越绝外传记地传》:
Yuejueshu, Outer Tradition, Record of the Lands:
越王夫镡以上至无余，久远，世不可纪也。夫镡子允常。允常子勾践，大霸称王，徙琅琊，都也。勾践子与夷，时霸。与夷子子翁，时霸。子翁子不扬，时霸。不扬子无彊，时霸，伐楚，威王灭无彊。无彊子之侯，窃自立为君长。之侯子尊，时君长。尊子亲，失众，楚伐之，走南山。亲以上至勾践，凡八君，都琅琊二百二十四岁。无彊以上霸，称王。之侯以下微弱，称君长。
From King Futan of Yue back to Wuyu is remote and far off, and the generations cannot be recorded. Futan's son was Yunchang. Yunchang's son was Goujian, who was a great hegemon and styled himself king; he moved to Langya and made it his capital. Goujian's son Yuyi was hegemon in his time. Yuyi's son Ziweng was hegemon in his time. Ziweng's son Buyang was hegemon in his time. Buyang's son Wujiang was hegemon in his time; he attacked Chu, and King Wei destroyed Wujiang. Wujiang's son Zhihou set himself up without warrant as chieftain. Zhihou's son Zun was chieftain in his time. Zun's son Qin lost his people; Chu attacked him and he fled to the southern hills. From Qin back to Goujian, eight lords in all, had their capital at Langya for two hundred and twenty-four years. From Wujiang upward they were hegemons and styled themselves king; from Zhihou downward they were weak and were styled chieftains.
《吴越春秋》（勾践伐吴外传第十）
Wu Yue Chunqiu (Outer Tradition of Goujian's Attack on Wu, chapter ten)
二十七年冬，勾践寝疾将卒，谓太子兴夷曰：“吾自禹之后，承元常之德，蒙天灵之祐，神祗之福，从穷越之地籍，楚之前锋，以摧吴王之干戈。跨江涉淮，从晋齐之地，功德巍巍。自致于斯，其可不诫乎？夫霸者之后，难以久立，其慎之哉！”遂卒。
In the winter of the twenty-seventh year1, Goujian lay ill and was about to die, and said to the Heir Apparent Xingyi: "I, descended from Yu, inheriting the virtue of Yuanchang, blessed by the protection of Heaven's spirits and the favour of the gods, from the land of poor and remote Yue, with Chu as my vanguard2, broke the shields and spears of the King of Wu. I crossed the Jiang and forded the Huai, passed through the lands of Jin and Qi, and my merit and virtue stood towering. Having brought myself to this, can one fail to take warning? The heirs of a hegemon find it hard to stand for long; be careful of it!" Then he died.
兴夷即位一年卒，子翁；翁卒，子不扬；不扬卒，子无强；强卒，子玉；玉卒，子尊；尊卒，子亲。自勾践至于亲，其历八主，皆称霸，积年二百二十四年，亲众皆失，而去琅邪，徙于吴矣。
Xingyi came to the throne and died after one year; his son was Weng. Weng died; his son was Buyang. Buyang died; his son was Wuqiang. Qiang died; his son was Yu. Yu died; his son was Zun. Zun died; his son was Qin. From Goujian down to Qin there were eight rulers, all styled hegemon, over two hundred and twenty-four years in all; Qin lost all his people, left Langya and moved to Wu.
自黄帝至少康十世，自禹受禅至少康即位六世，为一百四十四年，少康去颛顼即位，四百二十四年。
From the Yellow Emperor to Shaokang were ten generations; from Yu's receiving the abdication to Shaokang's accession were six generations, one hundred and forty-four years; from Shaokang back to Zhuanxu's accession, four hundred and twenty-four years.
黄帝→昌意→颛顼→鲧→禹→启→太康→仲庐→相→少康→无余→无壬（去无余十世）→无曎→夫谭→元常→勾践→兴夷→不寿→不扬→无强→鲁穆柳有幽公为名，王侯自称为君→尊→亲，失琅邪，为楚所灭。
Yellow Emperor → Changyi → Zhuanxu → Gun → Yu → Qi → Taikang → Zhonglu → Xiang → Shaokang → Wuyu → Wuren (ten generations from Wuyu) → Wuyi → Futan → Yuanchang → Goujian → Xingyi → Bushou → Buyang → Wuqiang → Lu Mu Liu, who had Duke You as his name; kings and marquises styled themselves lords3 → Zun → Qin, who lost Langya and was destroyed by Chu.
勾践至王亲，历八主，格霸二百二十四年。从无余越国始封，至余善返越国空灭，凡一千九百二十二年。
From Goujian to King Qin, eight rulers, hegemons for two hundred and twenty-four years. From Wuyu's first enfeoffment in Yue to Yushan's return and the emptying and extinction of the state of Yue, one thousand nine hundred and twenty-two years in all.
《续汉书·郡国志四》，刘昭在“吴郡安县”一条下注道:
In the Xu Hanshu, Treatise on Commanderies and Kingdoms IV, Liu Zhao notes under the entry "An County, Wu Commandery":
《越绝》曰，有西岑冢，越王孙开所立，以备春申君，使其子守之，子死遂葬城中。
The Yuejue says: there is the Xicen tomb, set up by Kai, grandson of the King of Yue4, to guard against Lord Chunshen; he had his son hold it, and when the son died he was buried within the Fortress.
春申君公元前248年被封于江东(《史记·春申君列传》。由此可知，在公元前三世纪半，江浙地区还存在不服从楚国的越势力。
Lord Chunshen was enfeoffed in Jiangdong in 248 BC (Shiji, Biography of Lord Chunshen). From this it can be known that in the middle of the third century BC there were still Yue forces in the Jiangsu–Zhejiang region that did not submit to Chu.
两位专家告诉记者，连云港锦屏山九龙口古城址，考古界称其为尾矿坝遗址，此前未曾有人将其与越王迁都之地联系在一起。他们通过实地调查发现，遗址是一处周长约十里的古代城址。其城三面环山，东面朝大海。城中已被锦屏山左的磷矿废矿砂所填平，形成方圆十余里、深约20余米的积沙。今露出城中部的当时一高台地尚存，南北长300米，东西宽150米左右。考古学家在此台地表采集到了大量越国风格的陶片残器，经检测均为春秋晚期、战国早期的印纹硬陶。由此证实这些遗物当属越国。 随后，专家又在杜佑的《唐·通典》中找到了锦屏山又叫琅琊山的依据。根据史料记载，锦屏山在秦朝建立之前称朐山，又叫琅琊山。秦始皇时期，立为朐县，秦始皇35年（公元前212年）立石为秦东门。秦始皇28年，秦始皇又在山东筑起琅琊台与琅琊邑相呼应。张志立、彭云认为，由于地名的变迁，琅琊山之名渐渐淡出，许多人由此把越王勾践迁都连云港琅琊山的地点误当作了山东青岛地区胶南市的琅琊山。
The two experts told the reporter that the ancient walled site at Jiulongkou on Jinpingshan, Lianyungang, which archaeologists call the tailings-dam site, had never before been connected with the place to which the King of Yue moved his capital. By survey on the ground they found the site to be an ancient walled city about ten li in circumference. The city is ringed by hills on three sides and faces the sea on the east. Its interior has been filled by the waste sand of the phosphate mine to the left of Jinpingshan, forming an accumulation of sand more than ten li round and some twenty metres deep. A raised terrace of the period, now exposed in the middle of the city, survives, about 300 metres from north to south and some 150 metres from east to west. On this terrace archaeologists collected a great many pottery sherds and fragments of vessels in the Yue style, all identified on examination as stamped hard pottery of the late Spring and Autumn and early Warring States periods, which confirmed that these remains belong to Yue. The experts then found in Du You's Tongdian of the Tang the basis for Jinpingshan's other name, Langyashan. According to the historical records, before the Qin dynasty was founded Jinpingshan was called Qushan, also Langyashan. In the time of the First Emperor of Qin it was made Qu County, and in his thirty-fifth year (212 BC) a stone was set up there as Qin's eastern gate. In his twenty-eighth year the First Emperor also built the Langya Terrace in Shandong, to answer to the Langya settlement. Zhang Zhili and Peng Yun hold that, with the changes of place-names, the name Langyashan gradually fell out of use, and many people have therefore mistaken the place to which King Goujian of Yue moved his capital, Langyashan at Lianyungang, for the Langyashan of Jiaonan city in the Qingdao region of Shandong.
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